1. Global governance from China’s perspective, by Jiang Zhenxi, Council Member of the UN Association of China. Over the recent years, “global governance” has become a hot topic in the international community, which the international community has attached great importance to and earnestly studied. Presently, China’s comprehensive strength has grown explosively, with her position and role in the international community rising with each passing day. Meanwhile, the level of China’s participation in global governance has been greatly elevated. Therefore, against the international background of globalization, it is of great significance to explore global governance for China participating in the governance reforms of the international economic and security institutions and increasing its discourse power in the international affairs.
2. The Asian security concept: an analysis of its basis in reality, source of thinking and ways of implementation, by Li Hongcai, Postgraduate Student at the PLA University of International Relations and Prof. Yang Guanghai, Director of the Center for National Security Strategy Studies with the same university. The proposing of the Asian security concept marks a new development of China’s security concept, which has great guiding significance to the resolution of security problems that Asia is faced with currently. This article believes that the proposing of the Asian security concept is directed against the deficiencies of traditional security concepts in solving security issues, and it is the requirement of the times of peace and development and reflects the yearning of Asian countries for the common and sustainable security. The Asian security concept is a natural extension of China’s traditional “He” (harmony) culture in the present era, and it goes hand in hand with the Asian-Pacific version of cooperative security concept, highly accords with the international laws and the fundamental principles of international relations. Nevertheless, the implementation of the Asian security concept is still facing many difficulties. In order to create necessary condition to foster and enhance the Asian security concept, it is necessary for us to comprehensively use the means of propaganda, public opinion and political and economic interactions, and at the same time actively promote the hot-spot issues properly resolved.
3. Building a new model of major-country relationship between China and the United States: the ideality and the reality, by Yuan Zheng, Research Fellow and Director of the Department of American Diplomacy at the Institute of American Studies with the CASS, and Guest Researcher of the CPDS. Due to hegemonic mentality, cultural differences and lack of mutual trust, the U.S. has made a subtle change to its attitude towards the idea of building a new model of major-country relationship with China. The structural contradiction between China’s peaceful development and the U.S.’ hegemonic strategy poses grave challenges to the building of a new model of major-country relationship between China and the United States. These challenges mainly fall into four aspects: A. The contradiction between the U.S. maintaining its hegemony and China’s rapid rise as an emerging power; B. The different views and positions between China and the U.S. in international systems; C. The contradiction between the U.S. pursuing absolute security and China maintaining its expanding security interests; D. The competition of different development models between China and the U.S.. There are low, medium and high three different goals in the building of a new model of major-country relationship between China and the United States. Although the road to the building of a new model of major-country relationship is by no way flat, certain initial conditions have already existed. We have every reason to believe that, so long as we maintain strategic patience, strengthen cooperation, manage and control differences, it is entirely possible for China and the U.S., after a long period of hard work and exploration, to avoid the so-called “Thucydides’s trap” and establish a benign interaction of major-country relationship.
4. New paradigm of China’s economic diplomacy, by Prof. Zhu Caihua, Dean of the College of International Economics with China Foreign Affairs University and Guest Researcher with the CPDS. The year of 2014 witnessed the enterprising and bumper harvest China’s diplomacy and in which the economic diplomacy was the biggest highlight fully deserved. The launching of a number of diplomatic initiatives reflected what China needs on the one hand and demonstrated its idea and wisdom as a responsible major power on the other. Proceeding from the new situation that China’s economic diplomacy is faced with and the strategic objectives and new ideas of China’s economic diplomacy, this article tries to straighten out theoretically the paradigm of China’s economic diplomacy and points out the specific problems and policy response of China’s economic diplomacy from the perspective of risks, protection of overseas interests and the dualistic approaches of economy and politics.
5. An analysis of Obama administration’s international coalition against terrorism, by Yang Rongguo, Doctoral Candidate at the Institute of China Contemporary Political Development Studies with the College of Marxism, Lanzhou University and Prof. Zhang Xinping, Deputy Dean of the College of Marxism. Facing with the increasingly serious global anti-terrorism situation, the Obama administration took the build-up of broad international coalition against terrorism as an important measure of its national anti-terrorism strategy, with an aim to eliminate the extremist organization Islamic State. The basic thinking of Obama administration is to expand the scope of coalition participation; construct a multi-level and open alliance system; avoid slipping back into the mire of anti-terrorism; let the Arabian countries to play a leading role; take comprehensive and multiple measures against terrorism; enhance the legitimacy and effectiveness of anti-terrorism; and increase military support and economic aid to strengthen the anti-terrorism capability of its allies. However, it is estimated that there will be a lot of countries participating in the anti-terrorism coalition, that the problems of differentiation of interest and attitude, lack of inclusiveness of the coalition composition and insufficient of ground combat forces will add more uncertain factors to the future prospects of international coalition against terrorism.
6. The non-governmental organizations and the U.S. cultural diplomacy towards China, by Dr. Ma Fangfang, Associate Professor at the School of International Relations with Beijing Language and Culture University. Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. cultural diplomacy towards China has demonstrated dual characteristics of diversified activity patterns and diversified participating players, in which “human rights castigation”, “cultural, educational and economic assistance” and “public opinion suppression” are three important paths. The NGOs in the U.S., by virtue of their unique advantage of being neither governmental agencies nor private enterprises, played an important role in the above-mentioned three paths. In analyzing the role that the NGOs have played in the U.S. cultural diplomacy towards China, the author maintains that under current international situation, in order to enhance China’s international image it is of great significance for China to build up its own core cultural system, strengthen the construction of its own NGOs.
7. China-Canada cooperation in the Arctic region within the ken of the Arctic Council, by Dr. Xiao Yang, Associate Professor and Research Fellow at the Center for International Studies with Beijing International Studies University. The Arctic Council is a major achievement of the Canadian Arctic strategy and a multiple platform for China’s institutional participation in the Arctic governance. Under such a framework, Canada actively cooperated with various countries inside and outside the region, set up the image of a responsible major country and got greater discourse power. This article, based on the analysis of the “three pillars” of the Canadian Arctic strategy, points out that obtaining the support of China and other Asian countries is the new developments for Canada to promote its leading position in the Arctic Council. At the same time, China’s interests and appeals in the Arctic have to get the recognition and support from Canada, the cooperation between the two countries under the framework of the Arctic Council has vast space and a bright future.
8. Historical facts distinguish right from wrong of the Shimla Conference which instigated the independence of Tibet, by Ma Jiali, Permanent Council Member of China Reform Forum and Guest Researcher of the CPDS. The Shimla Conference held in 1913 was a plot hatched single-handed by the British imperialists, and a product to realize the intention of invading Tibet and agitating and supporting the independence of Tibet, while the “McMahon Line”, brought about by the illegal secret dealing of the conference, was seen as a genetic freak. Even though the “McMahon Line” was illegal and invalid, it still produces far-reaching influence and serves as a breeding ground to spark off border disputes between China and India. It will be of important practical significance for China-India relations to faithfully restore this period of history.
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